Saturday, April 21, 2012

What may not be said about Israel in Germany?

Because I live for part of the year in Germany and because I feel that Germany's ongoing nefarious role in the oppression of the Palestinian people is being fatally underestimated, I will be regularly commenting on and analysing statements and commentaries concerning Israel/Palestine emanating from that country. To begin with, here is the original version of an article on the recent "Günter Grass affair", which once more brings into focus the idiocy of German discourse in this context (

              What may not be said? Günter Grass, Germany and Israel.
                                                                                                            Raymond Deane
Günter Grass is an 84-year-old Nobel prizewinning German author most famous for his 1959 novel The Tin Drum.
On April 4th the Bavarian newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung published his poem Was gesagt werden muss (What must be said), in which Grass warns against an Israeli attack on Iran and demands that Germany should cease providing Israel with nuclear-capable submarines.
To paraphrase: Why has the poet been silent for too long about the possibility of a “first strike” that could wipe out the Iranian people? Why should he not name Israel whose secret nuclear programme is beyond reach of inspection? Germany, in the name of “reparations” yet in reality for business reasons, is providing Israel with another submarine that may aim nuclear weapons at Iran, where the existence of a single atom bomb is unproven. Those who break silence on this issue are accused of “anti-Semitism”. Why, with his “last ink” does he now write that Israel threatens world peace? Because tomorrow it might be too late, and Germans “could be the deliverers of a crime” for which “none of the usual excuses/ would suffice to erase/ our shared guilt.”
Whatever the literary qualities of Grass’s poem, it testifies to his lingering literary eminence that it has engendered such a colossal backlash.
Even the Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has waded in,  claiming that Israel and Iran cannot be compared because "[i]n Iran there is a regime that denies the Holocaust and calls for the destruction of Israel". While the first part of this assertion is partly true, the second has long since been exposed as a lie – which does nothing to prevent its repeated dissemination. Netanyahu continued: “It is Iran, not Israel, which threatens to destroy other countries.” Again, the opposite is the case: Israel, which has repeatedly “destroyed” its neighbours Gaza and Lebanon, has not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and is in possession of hundreds of nuclear warheads; Iran, which has invaded none of its neighbours in modern times, has signed the NPT and possesses no nuclear weapons.
Why should Netanyahu feel obliged to respond to a piece of doggerel by a German writer? Because Germany, Europe’s most powerful country, is Israel’s most important ally after the USA.
A positive outcome of Germany’s crushing defeat in World War II has been the development of a strongly anti-war conviction among ordinary Germans. Although German participation in NATO air-strikes against Yugoslavia without a UN mandate in 1999 was successfully sold to the German people (with Grass’s support) as “humanitarian intervention” and “a progressives’ war”, German involvement in the current Afghan war has, from the start, been opposed by some 70% of Germans. If the German state is to maintain its unconditional support for Israel’s aggressive policies (even if spiced with occasional pro forma criticisms of its illegal settlement expansion), then nobody as prominent as Grass must be allowed to step out of line without being subjected to massive defamation as a deterrent. Of course Grass is vulnerable to such a campaign, having incomprehensibly waited until 2006 to admit his adolescent membership of the Waffen SS.
In Germany, the chorus of vilification has been loud and predictable.
Writing in the right-wing paper Die Welt, the notorious rabble-rouser Henryk Broder called Grass “the prototype of an educated anti-Semite” who “always had a problem with Jews”, backing these accusations with a quotation from a 2001 interview in which Grass – in line with international law – called on Israel to end the occupation and withdraw its illegal settlers. Note that both poem and interview refer to the Israeli state and not to “Jews”.
The Nazi-hunter Beate Klarsfeld, weirdly enough a candidate for Die Linke (The Left Party) in Germany’s recent presidential election, cited a Hitler speech from 1939 in which he attacked “international Jewish finance”. Were we to replace that phrase with “Israel”, according to Klarsfeld, “we would hear the same anti-Semitic music from the Tin Drummer.” By this logic, anything can be proven about any utterance simply by replacing what was actually said with something totally unconnected.
In the Berlin taz (Tageszeitung, a supposedly leftist daily paper) the educationalist Micha Brumlik concludes puzzlingly that Grass is “worse than an anti-Semite”, apparently because he cannot convincingly be pinned down as one. Klaus Hillebrand, a member of the same paper’s editorial staff, comments that “[t]he scandal consists not in Grass’s critique of Israel, but in the fact that he depicts himself as a martyred victim of Jews, who apparently wish to censor the truth. That is an anti-Semitic stereotype.” But nowhere did Grass claim that Jews were responsible for the censorship of criticism of Israel in Germany.
Such contorted reasoning needs to be placed in context.
Marking Israel’s 60th anniversary in May 2008, Peter Struck, a former Defense Minister and a member of the SDP (Social-Democratic Party), stated that “[t]he crimes of the Nazis founded a perpetual responsibility of Germans for the Jewish state.” A few months later, in a speech in a Berlin synagogue on the 70th anniversary of Kristallnacht (the “night of broken glass” that features powerfully in Grass’s Tin Drum), Chancellor Angela Merkel asserted that “protecting Israel’s security is part of German Staatsräson.”
This is a Gallicism for what in English is covered by the German word Realpolitik, which has replaced the older “reason of state” defined by the Merriam-Webster online Dictionary as “a motive for governmental action based on alleged needs or requirements of a political state regardless of possible transgressions of the rights or the moral codes of individual persons.” If German “responsibility… for the Jewish state” is “perpetual”, then it is independent of any crimes of which that state may be guilty. If Nazi crimes against the Jews result not in German responsibility towards the Jewish people in general, but in “responsibility… for the [self-styled] Jewish state”, then Jews worldwide are being equated with the state of Israel, which did not exist during the Third Reich.
Within this framework, it follows naturally that any critique of Israel is by definition anti-Semitic. As a result, the “Jewish state” is conceded perpetual impunity, defended “regardless of possible transgressions of the rights… of individual persons” (or peoples) by Germany, Europe’s most powerful state, with ruthless character assassination the fate of anyone who.protests.
The philosopher Judith Butler has written: “To say that all Jews hold a given view on Israel or are adequately represented by Israel or, conversely, that the acts of Israel, the state, adequately stand for the acts of all Jews, is to conflate Jews with Israel and, thereby, to commit an anti-semitic reduction of Jewishness.”
Paradoxically, therefore, Germany’s “reason of state” commits precisely such a “reduction of Jewishness” while simultaneously facilitating the transgression of the rights of anyone deemed by the Israeli state to stand in the way of its hegemony in the Middle East.
Meanwhile, although mainstream media continue to parrot the line that his poem has caused “global outrage”, Günter Grass has received a degree of support from the German peace movement that might not have been forthcoming had the Netanyahus and Klarsfelds not ranted quite so vehemently. Participants in the traditional Easter peace marches throughout Germany, which rarely mention the question of Israel, have reportedly adopted such slogans as “Günter Grass, you are right. Thank you!” Felicia Langer, a retired German-Israeli lawyer who specialised in defending Palestinians before Israeli military courts, published an “open letter” in which she and her Holocaust survivor husband Mieciu expressed their “admiration for your civil courage in the face of the general mendacity regarding Israel”.
Gary Smith, executive director at the American Academy in Berlin, claims that Grass is “focusing the fears of Germans now around Israel as a danger…[T]his could be a turning point in the way part of the German public speaks about Israel.”
If this is the case, then Günter Grass will have achieved his greatest success since The Tin Drum.
Raymond Deane is a composer and political activist living in Ireland and Germany.

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